In the case of Argentina, the online REDATAM processing tool available on the INDEC website was used, while in the other two countries standardized CELADE databases were used. In Argentina, the exclusion of the marital status variable from the census questionnaire prevented the generation of fertility tables by marital status. 

The results confirm a generalized decline in motherhood, much more pronounced among adolescents and young women. This is an encouraging trend, particularly among teenage girls, that marks a turning point as compared to previous decades, and is fully consistent with findings from recent studies, such as Rodríguez (2025) on the sharp reduction in adolescent fertility in Latin America, and CELADE (2025), Demographic Observatory: Latin America and the Caribbean in the context of low fertility.

Figure 1 below shows the significant decline in adolescent motherhood (ages 15–19) across the six countries included in MATERNILAC with 2020s census data. Particularly notable is the drop between the two most recent censuses, which represents a reversal of the trend observed in previous decades, when adolescent motherhood remained stable or even increased—especially in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. 

This decline is also observed among girls under 15 years of age (see MATERNILAC). Both trends represent an important achievement for the region, where levels of adolescent motherhood have historically been high by international standards. However, levels remain high and highly unequal across social groups (see MATERNILAC). Furthermore, adolescent mothers did not intend to become mothers. Therefore, policies that have successfully reduced adolescent motherhood should be strengthened and expanded across the region. 

Figure 1
Argentina, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Ecuador, Mexico, Panama and Paraguay: 
Percentage of teenage mothers, 1982-2024

Source: MATERNILAC in CEPALSTAT 
Note: non-response to the question on children ever born is imputed as nulliparity (not a mother).

On the other hand, Table 1 shows the first signs of an increase in final nulliparity—that is, having no children over the life course—although these remain modest. In fact, when considering the 45–49 age group, there is virtually no evidence of this increase. However, this changes when examining the 35–39 age group, in which the percentage of mothers declines by several percentage points in almost all countries.

That being said, this decline carries some uncertainty, since women aged 35–39 without children in the most recent census still have remaining reproductive years ahead and may no longer be in a situation of nulliparity. As a result, the eventual increase in final nulliparity may be smaller than what is currently observed in this group.

Table 1
Argentina, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Ecuador, Mexico, Panama, and Paraguay:
Percentage of mothers in the 35–39 and 45–49 age groups, 1982-2024

Source: MATERNILAC in CEPALSTAT
Note: non-response to the question on children ever born is imputed as nulliparity (not a mother).

The discussion of final nulliparity should not be confused with the trend toward postponing motherhood—that is, first birth—which is clearly observable in MATERNILAC among younger age groups (20–24 and 25–29). Likewise, the decline in motherhood should not be confused with the decline in fertility. Although related, fertility refers to children of all birth orders, whereas motherhood refers only to first births. For this reason, the decline in motherhood tends to be slower or smaller in magnitude than the decline in fertility.

MATERNILAC is expected to be updated in 2026 with several additional countries that are likely to release and share microdata from censuses conducted between 2022 and 2024. Updates will be communicated in due course.